People who are rather well-off have significant material possibilities to get the medical assistance needed and to take care of, and maintain their own health. This could be seen, in particular, in the prevalence of preventive visits to medical institutions. Among the well-off this index is significantly higher, if compared to the disadvantaged, both in general, and within specific age and level-of-education groups (Русинова Н. Л., Панова Л. В. Сафронов В. В., 2007; Падиарова А. Б., 2009).
Thus, there has been both direct and inverse relation identified between health and the objective and subjective economic status. On the one hand, the higher economic status the more often people visit medical institutions for preventive purposes and the higher the number of those with chronic diseases detected. On the other hand, the higher economic status the lower (on average) the number of people with health issues, the lower the share of people with severe heart diseases (myocardial infarction), and the lower the share of those with significant and stable loss of health. In general the individual findings on health support the conclusions and assumptions concerning the prolonged and ongoing impact of income on health, which were done based on the analysis of socio-economic inequity and territorial differences in peoples health status. There we can see both cumulative effect where the quantity (of money) shall transfer into quality (of health) after a certain period of time, and the stimulating role of higher income on the ongoing health monitoring and timely response to its disturbances.
The relation between the social status and various aspects of mental issues has been of interest for both doctors and researchers since long ago; the findings from a lot of research have demonstrated the meaningfulness of social status in understanding mental diseases and disability. The epidemiological research projects conducted all over the world have shown an inverse relation between mental issues and the social class. There has been consistent data obtained suggesting that mental disturbances are more common for the lower social class (Meltzer et al, 1995). At the same time, lately there have been discovered other channels of the significant impact that inequity has on health. In particular, it has been shown that chronic stresses related to the dissatisfaction with ones socio-economic status may result in neuro-endocrine and psychological functional alterations thus contributing to the disease likelihood. It has already become a common opinion that a longer feeling of fear, uncertainty, low self-esteem, social isolation, inability to make decisions and be in charge of the situation both at home and at work impact health seriously: this may cause depression, increase susceptibility to communicable diseases, diabetes, high blood cholesterol, and cardio-vascular issues. Low socio-economic position, therefore, impacts health directly through deprivation and financial hardships, and through the subjective vision of ones unequal position in the society and the related judgment, relations, experiences. When studying the influence that the socio-economic status has on health focus should be kept on both the objective and subjective socio-economic status. Therefore, there is an undoubted connection between the financial status and health, which can be seen both from the scientific-theoretical viewpoint, and at the level of common sense (Падиарова, А. Б., 2009).
Many researchers state that low socio-economic status is associated with high prevalence of mood disorders (Dohrenwend et al, 1992). There was also a suggestion that belonging to a particular social class will influence the nature of psychopathological symptomatology in depression. Patients demonstrating symptoms of somatized and anxiety disorders more often belong to a lower social class. At the same time cognitive symptoms were more often detected in patients from a higher class. The severity of depression in adults, related to financial issues, may depend on age. Mirowsky и Ross (2001) found that it goes down as the age goes up. Financial troubles and poor marital relationships are significant factors contributing to the risk of depression onset and its chronic course (Patel et al, 2002). Just like depression, poverty is typically chronic in its nature, so it usually needs focus both from caregivers and from decision makers.
If compared to the general population people who attempt suicide more often belong to the social groups where social instability and poverty are typical.
Gunnell et al. (1995) investigated the relation between suicide, parasuicidal behavior, and socio-economic issues. They identified a connection between suicide and parasuicidal behavior, while negative socio-economic factor offered nearly complete explanation. Besides, these murders and suicides more often happen in densely populated poor areas (Kennedy et al, 1999). Crawford and Prince (1999) also support these findings. They noticed an increase in the suicide rate among young unemployed men living under severe social deprivation. It also true that the frequency of cocaine or opiate overdose cases is associated with poverty (Marzuk et al, 1997).
Both unemployed men and women demonstrate a higher level of alcohol or substance dependency in case they belong to the unemployed. The social class is a risk factor of death due to alcohol abuse, which is also related to such structural social factors as poverty, disadvantage position and the social class. The rate of alcohol-induced death is higher among men involved in physical labor than among clerks, yet the relative index will depend on the age. Men aged 2539 and involved in common non-qualified physical labor demonstrate a death rate 1020 times higher than representatives of the middle class, while among those aged 5564 the same index is only 2,54 times higher if compared to those who are involved in a type of labor requiring special skills (Harrison & Gardiner, 1999).
The relation between the lower socio-economic status and personality disorders is far from being well-investigated. Low family income and insufficient living conditions are prognostic factors for crime among adolescents and adults (based on official and survey data). However, the connection between poverty and crime is a complex and a continuous one. The interrelation between impetuosity and the neighborhood in connection to criminal activity show that impetuosity is higher among residents of poor areas rather than among those residing in better-off ones (Lynam et al, 2000). A Cambridge research into the development of minor delinquency produced data stating that unstable employment at the age of 18 was an important independent predictor of previous conviction history among young men aged 2125 (Farrington, 1995).
The growing number of researches into the relation between poverty and health indicates that low income combined with unfavorable demographic factors and insufficient external support causes stress and life crisis, which serve risk factors for children and may trigger mental disturbances in them. Children from the poorest families show a 3 times higher rate of mental disturbances than children from more prosperous families. Poverty and disadvantaged social status have strongest connection with insufficient skills in children and their poor academic performance (Duncan & Brooks-Gunn, 1997).
Kaplan G. A. et al, (2001), after studying the socio-economic status in childhood and the cognitive functioning in adulthood, concluded that a higher socio-economic status in childhood and a higher level of education determine a higher level of cognitive functioning in the period of maturity, while both mothers and fathers, independently, contribute to the development of creative cognitive functioning in their children and their cognitive capacity at older age. Obviously, a better socio-economic status in parents and a higher level of education in children may improve cognitive functioning and reduce the risk of dementia at a later stage of life.